Jenny Bimrose Institute for Employment Research, University of Warwick

Hodkinson et al. (1996) studied career decision-making of young people in the UK, together with their career development, through the first eighteen months on a government funded training scheme. The policy direction at the time of the data collection emphasised individualism and market forces. These values were embedded in a government initiative called ‘training credits’, designed to give young people choice and control whilst at the same time increasing market competition amongst training providers. The dominant model of career decision-making assumed to underpin the training credits initiative was technical rationality, involving the application of rational skills to objective information derived from the labour market. Essentially an individual activity, this process takes place within ‘discursive consciousness’ (Hodkinson et al., 1996, p.122) and is directed at long term goals (though ideas often change before the goal is reached and follows a planned linear sequence). Its ideal aim is to be totally rational. It is based on maximising personal benefits, often seen in financial terms, and is only improved by making it more rational and/or providing better information (p.122).

Data, collected during 1992-1993 from a group of ten young people, comprises 196 taped interviews (Hodkinson et al., 1996). Analysis and interpretation of the data resulted in ‘a new theoretical model of career decision making and career progression’, called ‘careership’ (p.3) which involves three interlocked dimensions: pragmatic rationalism, social interactions and progression over time. The first, pragmatic rationalism, refers to the way young people make actual choices about job placements. These decisions were found to be neither rational nor irrational. Rather, they were both constrained and enabled by the young people’s ‘horizons for action’, partly determined by external opportunities, and partly by their own subjective perceptions. It is argued that the two sides are linked because ‘what is available affects what we perceive to be possible and what we perceive to be possible and what we perceive as desirable can alter the available options’ (Hodkinson et al., 1996, p.3).

The second dimension is social interactions with others who have some influence on the process. This involves a complex system of negotiations, bargaining and sometimes struggle with different players in the field (for example, young people, employers, parents, careers officers and training providers), all of whom have resources of varying types and quality, producing unequal power relations. Social interactions and pragmatic decisions were found to be interwoven, so neither could be understood alone.

Progression over time is the third dimension. Career decisions are often transitory in nature, and determined by choices and/or by the social and cultural structures within which individuals are located. Career paths are subject to varied influences and can best be understood through the concept of ‘careership’. This comprises periods of routine linked by ‘turning points’. Three types of turning points are identified: those forced by unexpected external events (for example, redundancy); those built into the structure of British life (e.g. end of compulsory education at 16); and those initiated by the young people themselves (Hodkinson et al., 1996, p.142).

Career-decision making based on pragmatic rationalism is seen as part of the development of ‘habitus’ (Hodkinson et al., 1996, p.122). Information is both subjective and objective, deriving from habitus as well as being external to it. It is a socially and a culturally embedded activity, taking place within both practical and discursive consciousness. Whilst it may be directed at a long-term goal, there are other possibilities, described as ‘serendipitous’ (p.122). It does not follow a linear sequence, is always rational within boundaries, may be made for a wide range of reasons (for example, maximising benefits) and can be enhanced by various means such as giving information (p.122).

This alternative model conceptualises: decision making processes as part of a wider choice of lifestyle and strongly influenced by the social context and culture of the individual; decision-making as part of the ongoing life course; and decision-making as part of the interaction with other stakeholders, which can be seen as part of the action of others, as well as the individual (Hodkinson et al., 1996, p.139).

Since Hodkinson et al. (1996) set out to examine an initiative (training credits) relevant to vocational education and training (VET) for young people, it is not surprising that the discussion of the implications of their findings relates to VET policy, rather than careers guidance practice (p.136). They do, however, highlight ‘aspects of cultural complexity of the transition to work that are ignored in the current technicist approach’ (p.137) which have clear implications for practice based on technical, rational models of career. The policy focus on the individual, they argue, detracts attention away from the need to change structures, like industrial employment, the youth labour market and British financial systems (p.137). They also suggest that technically rational models of management and choice appeal to policy makers, senior managers and senior careers professionals because they ‘offer the illusion of control and managerial solutions’ (p.138).

The efforts of professionals such as teachers and careers offices to assist and support young people with the degree of individual freedom they do possess is regarded as commendable (p.140). However, ‘if we are serious about doing something to ameliorate existing inequalities, individual help alone is not enough. We also have to address more intransigent problems at a cultural and structural level’ (p.141).

References:

Hodkinson et al 1996

Hodkinson, P., Sparkes, A.C. & Hodkinson, H. (1996) Triumphs and Tears: young people, markets and the transition from school to work, London, David Fulton Publishers.