A recent European research project (FAME 1999 - 2003) examined changes in work-related identities across seven European countries (see, for example, FAME Consortium, 2003). One theoretical tool that emerged as useful was the idea of 'strategic action across a range of structural, cultural and social contexts' in how individuals constructed their work-related identities over time, involving an examination of their 'strategic biographies'. This particular theoretical perspective was used to frame the research on careers and identities, which are themselves contested theoretical concepts, but that is another story.

Employers attempt to shape employees’ work identities through the organisation of work. However, they are partly constrained by employee expectations related to education and training, the occupational structure and the labour market. Employees, individually and collectively, also attempt to influence how their work is performed and play an active role in shaping their own work identities. Work identities are therefore influenced both by structural factors and the agency of employers and employees. This exemplar concentrates upon how individuals working in engineering in France, Germany, Spain and the UK attempt to shape their work identities over time.

Images of identity

Using 'patterns of strategic action across a range of structural, cultural and social contexts' the research was able to range across the different national settings and drive the analysis across contexts in a very different way to, for example, an approach based on national differences.

One way of considering an occupational identity, to which we are adjusted and that is relatively stable over a period of time, is as a psychological 'home'. 'Home' in this context is a “familiar environment, a place where we know our way around, and above all, where we feel secure” (Abhaya, 1997, p2). Viewed in this way it is easy to understand the sense of loss and dislocation that people may feel when they are made redundant, with little prospect of regaining their former occupational identity (Sennett, 1998). On the other hand, religion, literature and film abound with stories of people 'breaking free' and “loosening attachments to 'homes' of many kinds, be they psychological, social or ideological” (Abhaya, 1997, p.2). In this sense, after a period of stability, an occupational identity may come to be viewed as a confinement from which the individual longs to escape. That is, what is initially experienced as interesting and exciting may, with the passage of time, lead to “a sense of profound dissatisfaction with the comfortable limits” (Abhaya, 1997, p.8) of the existing way of life.

It was this sense of unease that may set in for an individual with his or her occupation over time that surfaced in a number of our interviews. The challenge was then to represent this change in the way an individual regards the work they do in a dynamic way. After all, Dewey (1916) had seen an occupation as giving direction to life activities and as a concrete representation of continuity: a 'home' with clear psychological, social and ideological 'anchors'. But what of the process for some individuals where the 'anchors' become progressively perceived as 'chains'? We needed a representation of occupational identity that could theorise change as well as continuity.

Studies of occupational socialisation have revealed processes by which individuals may be included (Coffey and Atkinson, 1994; Evans and Heinz, 1994) or excluded (Brown and Behrens, 1995), and the different types of occupational commitment (Coffey, 1994) or organisational commitment (Baruch, 1998; Baruch and Winkelmann-Gleed, 2002) that may result. These studies of the processes of becoming skilled have increasingly sought to view individuals as active participants in the creation of a 'new' community of practice rather than just passively joining an existing community (Lave, 1993; Wenger, 1998; Billett, 2004). The dynamic model of occupational identity formation proposed by Brown (1997) acted as one of the theoretical cornerstones of the project methodology. In particular, it informed the choice of broad issues upon which to focus the interviews with employers and employees: workers engagement with their work activities; their interaction with others; and their learning and development.

Also, the restructuring of work, and uncertainties over prospects of obtaining work in the field for which individuals have trained have increased the importance of transitions discontinuities and shifting contexts of career development. (Heinz, 2002). While Heinz (2002) looks at how these processes affect the biographical shaping of early work careers, this study examined the effects on experienced workers with established work identities.

The identification of different forms of histories by outlining what we found to be typical and relatively coherent repertoires of strategic response to the challenges of constructing work-related identities. Furthermore, by using 'patterns of strategic action across a range of structural, cultural and social contexts' as a theoretical frame for this international study of changing work-related identities it was possible to range across the different national settings in a coherent way. The theoretical frame was able to drive the analysis across contexts in a very different way to, for example, an approach that foregrounded national differences. Theory matters: it always informs and helps us make sense of data, but in international research on careers and identities it is an invaluable tool to help us focus upon what we believe is significant in a setting where we could easily be overwhelmed by data.

Learning and working in Engineering

The research in the Engineering sector took place at a time when the prospects for a skilled worker at all stages of his or her career are now much more problematic than more than a generation ago when they represented the 'aristocracy of labour' in secure, well paid work(Venables, 1974; Tuxworth and Ciechanowsi, 1987). Training places are much harder to find and entry into skilled employment is much more hazardous (Heinz, 2002), and prospects for further progression, once qualified, are greatly reduced (Elias and Bynner, 1997 a, b). There are far fewer promoted positions because of organisational restructuring, particularly at supervisory and junior managerial levels, and there is increased competition for such posts particularly from graduates (Soskice, 1993; Rolfe et al., 1994; Elias et al., 1999; Purcell et al., 1999).

However, the prospects are not uniformly bleak. Although numbers employed in the engineering industry have fallen (Mason and Wagner, 2002), there is a continuing strong demand from employers across Europe for workers with technical skills allied to ‘modern’ skill sets, including abilities to work in teams and communicate effectively (Davis et al., 2000; FAME Consortium 2003). Similarly, there are still promotion opportunities for skilled workers to supervisory or specialist positions in some companies in all the countries studied, but this depends on them having ‘modern’ skill sets and/or undertaking further training (Drexel et al., 2003).

Many companies have been introducing greater flexibility in work and expect staff to accept resulting changes in patterns of work organisation, often involving team working or attempts to improve manufacturing practice through a focus upon continuous improvement (Edwards and Wright, 1997; Culpepper and Finegold, 1999). The overall distribution of skills within engineering companies could differ according to the product market strategy followed (Wood, 1999), the forms of work organisation adopted (Thompson et al, 1995) and the size of the company (Scott and Cockrill, 1997). Employers’ commitment to learning was very variable too, but general competitive pressures and actions across supply chains are driving at least some learning in the workplace (Mason and Wagner, 2002).

In the UK in particular, organisational commitment rather than occupational identities drives much of the organisation of work, often with an explicit emphasis on flexibility and multi-skilling (Mason and Wagner, 2002). These trends are noticeable to some extent everywhere, and some German companies viewed the attachment of workers to a single occupational perspective as problematic in attempts to introduce greater team working (Finegold and Wagner, 1999). However, in all countries there are enormous variations in the degree of skills required of workers in different workplaces.

When considering the relationship between the organisation of work and work identities it is important to distinguish between companies where skilled workers are a very small minority and production is largely routine and those where more highly skilled workers play more of a role in production, support and related activities. In the latter case companies were making different choices about the appropriate skill mix, particularly in relation to the employment of graduates or those with craft or other intermediate skills (Mason, 1996; Drexel et al., 2003). However, the latter distinction was becoming blurred as countries opened up progression routes so that more individuals had both intermediate skills and graduate qualifications. Interestingly, with the under-development of intermediate skill formation routes and the massive expansion of higher education (HE) in the UK opportunities were available to develop intermediate skills as part of or subsequent to HE study (Soskice, 1993; Mason, 1996; Senker and Senker, 1997).

Employees' identity building strategies

There are major structural changes occurring in the organisation of work in many workplaces and employers are often involved in explicit attempts to shape the work identities of their employees. However, what are individuals’ strategies for coping with these changes and how do they affect their work identities? Our focus was upon the strategic actions of those working in engineering based upon the ‘strategic biographies’ of individuals. This biographical perspective is useful, as for many individuals the nature of their commitment and work-related identity changes over time. The interviews highlighted that the relationship between individuals and the occupational roles they were required to perform could be represented in terms of their patterns of strategic action across a range of structural, cultural and social contexts (compare Pollard et al. (2000) doing this for pupils over their school career). Their careers could be mapped in terms of their patterns of relationships, orientation and adaptive response to work and it is possible to trace the dynamic development of individuals’ characteristic repertoires of strategic action - their ‘strategic biographies’.

Identification: represents the ‘classical’ form of adaptive strategy - the individual identifies more or less completely with work and the employing organisation. Through strategic compliance the individual seeks to satisfy expectations (of employer, colleagues and customers or clients) of how to perform her or his role. They usually accept the conventions of their workgroup and are integrated into their occupational and organisational life. They are likely to remain in the same job for a considerable period of time. For our interviewees this was probably the largest category. But significantly we had a number of (mainly older) people for whom this relationship went sour.

In all four countries we also had examples of people starting work in production, maintenance or other technical areas and then time being promoted to, for example, a supervisory position. This could be seen as a natural progression and need not necessarily interfere with their initial occupational identification, although some promotions do result in a distinct break with the former occupation and involve a re-definition of an individual’s role.

Long-term adjustment: represents a more conditional form of adaptation - the individual may remain in an occupation and/or with a particular employer, but recognises that this represents a compromise. Typically factors outside work (family commitments, attachment to a particular location) may ‘hold’ an individual in place. The individual may still seek to satisfy role expectations (of employer, colleagues and customers or clients), but typically has some reservations about work. The individual may stay in the job for a long time, but may move on if the ‘holding’ circumstances change. Examples of reasons why interviewees felt ‘locked into’ their current work included accommodation to working patterns of a partner; attachment to a particular locality and attachment to their immediate work group. There were also cases of women who really liked their work, but could not fully identify with it because of the extent of the harassment they faced from male colleagues.

Short-term adjustment: represents a fully conditional form of adaptation - the individual only intends to remain in an occupation and/or with a particular employer for a short time. Because of individual circumstances, choice, career plans or dissatisfaction with work, the individual is actively seeking alternative employment. Some interviewees were looking to change employers. The slack labour market in Germany meant that some companies recruited former engineering apprentices to work in areas like the warehouse and these employees adjusted to work requiring no engineering knowledge whatsoever, while hoping to get skilled work eventually.

Strategic careerists: see their current occupational position and/or organisational attachment as one phase of a career that involves relatively frequent changes in the nature of work they do. They are committed to ‘moving on’ and see their careers as something that they actively construct (although sometimes the employer has a development plan for an individual on a ‘career track’). Their attachment to their current role is partly influenced by the knowledge that they are only ‘passing through’.

We did come across individuals who identified with their work, but who were active in re-defining, rather than passively accepting, work-related roles. Re-definition is associated with the same mainstream patterns of achievement and cultural norms as those exhibiting more passive forms of identification (Pollard et al, 2000). However, those using re-defining strategies are operating at the cutting edge of norms and expectations, pushing at the boundaries of expectations of employers, colleagues and others, typically negotiating, challenging and leading their peers in some respect. Such reshaping could come from ‘within’ a role and sometimes from ‘outside’ (or above), and, although rare, there were some examples of redefining their roles.

The second form of re-definition occurred when an individual sought to change their occupation and/or employer, because they wanted (or saw themselves forced) to change career direction. There were examples where individuals had changed career direction quite radically, both into and out of engineering.

It is possible, building upon these ideas, to construct a model of how individuals could relate to their work, possibly moving from point to point over time (see Figure 1).

Employee case studies

General examples, and specific case studies, are given to illustrate the forms of strategic action that individuals use to relate to work and changes at work.

a) Strategic careerists 'passing through' occupations

There were former engineering apprentices who moved into commercial functions (like sales and marketing) very early in their career and then progressed into management. There were also examples of graduates working in engineering in the UK with degrees from other fields, including sports science. The former transitions were common in a number of different settings and national contexts. The relatively more open UK labout market, however, meant that graduates often felt that they had a relatively wide range of choice (e.g. accountancy firms will take graduates from any discipline and recruitment from engineering as a numerate discipline was not uncommon).

Case 1: Engineer with strategic career moving between occupations and sectors

Richard is an engineering graduate, in his mid-forties, who worked in the UK in engineering, contract electronics, supply chain development and finally moved from the technical side into the commercial area. He worked for a large engineering company that had sponsored him at university. He worked for them for seven years mainly doing project work, and took a manufacturing management conversion programme for engineers. Richard then returned to another division of the company as a logistics manager. He had, however, become increasingly interested in electronics and decided strategically to switch to working in the expanding electronics industry. He worked in contract electronics, then in an IT company and eventually became a supply chain manager with a large company of drinks suppliers.

Richard has always been highly committed to his work that has often involved being part of a project team. He sought to increase his experience in areas that were business-led rather than technical, when he recognised he had much less international market experience than others in the commercial field. On the technical side he had gone as far as he was likely to go. This is a 'classic' example of a strategic career with little long-term attachment to either a specific occupation or a particular organisation. While this approach is in some ways identified as a 'modern' orientation, in fact this has long been a common route for those seeking to get into senior management positions in the UK.

b) Identification with occupation and employer

In all four countries studied many individuals had a strong attachment to their occupation and employer. The identification could be to their chosen technical profession (‘I enjoy making things, solving problems and so on’), but the image of the company (precision engineers) or its products (aircraft or luxury cars) could complement their view of themselves as ‘highly skilled’. This type of identification was most common early in a career, perhaps because there was less time for disillusion to set in or for people to feel they needed a change. However, it was perhaps most complete for those who had been working on more or less the same track for more than twenty years as the attached examples illustrate. These particular examples are drawn from France and Germany, but almost identical cases could be drawn from Spain or the UK.

Case 2: Skilled worker promoted to head of maintenance but with an unswerving identification with occupation and employer

Henri has been head of a production maintenance team of a major vehicle manufacturer for fifteen years. He is now in his mid-fifties and started with the company in 1976. His work involves planning, animating and co-ordinating the activities of the maintenance team in informal and formal interactions and establishing continuous links with other teams within the plant. Henri was initially trained as a 'fitter-toolmaker' at a vocational school. All his subsequent work-related training has been employer-directed, linked to the equipment used and technology introduced in the company. The training was intended to promote adaptability to new products, services, techniques and technological processes.

Henri has a good working relationship with management and enjoys a relatively high level of autonomy and responsibility in his job. He once exchanged his position as head of maintenance with the head of the production team for one year, allowing Henri to familiarise himself with the work of other departments and teams, enrich his personal know-how, extend his relational network and to feel his skills were transversal.

Henri is highly committed to his work, the company and the quality of the cars produced, and is quite satisfied with his career. He values job-stability (despite the structural and technological changes), relatively interesting work, and the financial and non-financial rewards his job offers. He believes in achieving a reasonable balance between his attachment to work, his own family and commitments towards his district community. He is active on the council of a local college parents' association and as a vice-president of a district association working to establish a socio-cultural centre. Henri represents a case of an individual who identifies with work and employer and this attachment gives an 'anchor' to other aspects of his identity.

Case 3: Engineer promoted to team leader with an unswerving identification with occupation

Ludger is an engineer in his fifties and works as a team leader in a large European aerospace company with 1,200 employees in North Germany. After completing an apprenticeship as an engine fitter, he studied mechanical engineering at university for three years, because he thought that he was “capable of doing much more than just being an engine fitter”. Thereafter, he continued at another university for another three and a half years and graduated as a mechanical engineer.

Ludger began work for the company in the late 1970s and “still performs the same tasks” he did early in his career. He is currently a project co-ordinator, writing project proposals, supervising projects and carrying out necessary calculations and tests before completion of a project. Working in the aerospace industry requires special engineering skills and only a few universities teach the theoretical basics of space technology. This means that most of the special skills required have to be learnt on the job, especially through 'learning by doing'. Working on several projects at the same time and supervising each project from beginning to end requires interdisciplinary thinking and working. Employees learn through training on the job, 'learning by doing' and through courses offered by the company. Currently he is working on 14 projects, ranging from small 'free research and development' projects through to the International Space Station. It is rather unusual to work on so many projects and in order to cope with the workload his team is being expanded.

Ludger works and make decisions independently and his team consists of 6 engineers. Officially the position of team leader no longer exists. It was axed in order to eliminate traditional hierarchies and facilitate better co-operation between engineers and their superiors. In practice, however, this position is still necessary and Ludger is still referred to as a team leader, someone who co-ordinates projects.

Since Ludger started work the tasks themselves have not changed so much, despite increasing computerisation, but what has changed are the work organisation and the time frame. Around 15 years ago time frames were less rigid and the full costs were agreed and paid only after the project was completed. This method allowed for integrating new ideas and accommodating adjustments and extension of time frames and budgets as required. Since then the company has been working on fixed price contracts where projects have to be completed on time and within budget. Another change is that Ludger (like most engineers) has to perform more administrative and organisational tasks and has less time for technical work.

Ludger believes that as an engineer he has the will and motivation to construct something new and see the results of his work. He strongly identifies with his work, the products and takes pride in the projects he sees through to successful completion. Formerly, he used to identify strongly with the company, but as a result of numerous organisational changes, including changing the name of the company, his core identity now lies solely with his work and work activities. One very important factor shaping Ludger's occupational identity is the recognition of his work by colleagues and from collaborating companies. Generally, Ludger is very satisfied with his work. He sees new tasks as a challenge and an opportunity to learn more. Conflicts with colleagues in his team are rare.

There are some drawbacks, however. The most obvious conflict arose between Ludger's approach to work and new demands from senior management. He feels the need to work thoroughly and check and test a product for possible mistakes more often than officially required to be very sure everything is technically sound. This, however, contradicts with the pressure from management for not putting too much emphasis on one single product and not spending more time and money than necessary. In contrast, Ludger's conviction is that priority should be given to completing a project without mistakes. Although this may initially imply higher costs, Ludger believes it is cheaper in the long run since the clients and engineers can be sure that the product works thus considerably reducing the risks of a complete failure. But this principle puts Ludger in a difficult situation, as he is regarded as too cautious with certain technical 'solutions' and he fears that this might result in an exclusion of his knowledge and expertise. His decisions have to be well thought over, because he worries about the consequences of possible failures.

Time pressure also generates conflicts. The workload is constantly increasing and the time span of projects reduces. Formerly, one project would be completed before starting work on the next. Now several projects overlap and have to be handled at the same time making work more complex, interdependent and interactive. This leads to an increase in stress, but can also be seen as an opportunity to learn to work on an interdisciplinary basis.

The extremely specialised skills means that “once you are in this field, it is very difficult to change”. At one point Ludger worked for a few months in the U.S. for the same company. He might have considered moving but only if there were feasible job opportunities in his field of specialisation. This, however, was not the case. Ludger represents a case of an individual who strongly identified with occupation and employer. However, when there was a conflict between these two attachments, it was the occupational attachment to working as an engineer that gave meaning to and provided an 'anchor', for him and others, in seeking to understand his working life.

c) Long-term adjustment

Long-term adjustment occurs where an individual recognises that her or his current job and/or employer is not ideal, but all in all it is ‘the best job they are likely to get’. Another form of long-term adjustment represents a ‘more explicit compromise’, when an individual could get a better job elsewhere, but is ‘held’ in place in their current job by factors outside work. The attached two cases give examples of both types of adjustment.

Case 4: Work not ideal but likely to be ‘as good as it gets’

Luis is a maintenance worker in the engine plant of a car factory in Spain. He is in his early thirties and has worked in many different posts at the company, at first in a temporary capacity, since he was 19. Initially after several years on the line, he volunteered to go to a different plant. When Luis was 26 he did a two year apprenticeship in electro-mechanics and now works as a technician repairing machines. The work is interesting and well paid and Luis now has a permanent contract. Unlike working on the line, Luis considers it to be real work with dignity. Now it is easy to disconnect when he leaves work. When he started on the assembly line he used to dream of the line. His work is more relaxed now because he controls the situation, although you have to give 100% attention. He thinks up to now he has done all right.

It is a responsible job, and when everything is working, Luis has autonomy and the power to decide on the most effective solution to a problem. The work is complex, but the company provides training and one can learn from colleagues. It takes about a year to reach full competence. Luis is fairly happy with his position, salary, the teamwork and he thinks it is a place where he can learn a lot. He has friends in the industry working in small workshops. There they work hard from day to day to survive.

When he started on the line it was a fairly chaotic, dark and very dirty place. This situation has improved a lot. The main drawbacks in his current job are the changing shifts that affect meals and sleep: 'if you work at night you work under pressure, just when you are used to it you have to change again… when working at maximum capacity, we do three shifts and weekends. I have worked on all the shifts possible, but the best thing would be to have a fixed timetable… Even so, this is the best job I have had - you are in control. Whereas in the first jobs I had, the machine controlled me.'

His current job requires 'skills and intelligence, but what I like most is to discover new things and know why and how things work. It's solving a problem, a personal achievement, and a challenge. For me work is very important, although on the negative side, this work takes up a lot of my personal time and I value the time I spend away from here a lot. For me the first thing is the family and after that everything else. Because of that, as regards time, there are more bad things than good things.'

Case 5: Former engineering apprentice initially adapting to work because of family commitments, then deciding in his mid-thirties upon a strategic career direction

David is in his early forties and worked for the same company in the UK for 20 years. He started apprenticeship training with the local car manufacturer at 16. He continued with day release at college, leading to technical HE qualifications, and was eventually employed as an engineer working on engine development. David and his wife came from a small town close to the plant and had strong family and other local attachments. His wife was self-employed and had built a loyal client base, so he continued for eighteen years to work at the same plant, which was the only large engineering employer in the area. When they had two children the local links were intensified as both sets of parents provided 'family back-up' for child-care. He finally decided to move: 'I think the only real reason I moved out was because I knew I'd be stuck in a dead-end job for the rest of my career.'

David transferred to another plant over a hundred miles away to take a more challenging job in engine design and development. His family did not move, and he commuted at week-ends. He worked there for five years and completed a part-time Master's degree in manufacturing management. He felt his combination of experience and qualifications were not recognised by the company, so he looked for other work. Going on the Master's course had extended his horizons and networks and he received various job offers.

David accepted a job with another car manufacturer on a 'contract basis', even further away from home, and he worked for them for two years. During this time a firm of consulting engineers offered him a job. Initially he refused, but a year later he 'was gently persuaded'. He recognised 'there were opportunities to get on in a young small company and I knew that with my strengths I could develop quite well, and the money was good.'

The job as project operations manager for engine test operations was challenging, with responsibility for all stages of the design, delivery and test process, a large team to manage and considerable autonomy. After working on contract to broaden his experience it was also attractive to have a “proper job (again) with benefits like pension schemes and health schemes - it was very tempting, the whole package”. This type of work was only available as a consequence of a major policy change by the manufacturers now favouring strategic partnerships with suppliers who would supply specialist expertise in co-developing major components such as engines.

There was one major drawback with the job, the commuting involved journeys of four to five hours, starting at 3.30 on Monday morning and not getting back till 9 on Friday evening. He did this for nine months before finally the whole family did move. This time the location was similar to what they had been used to and there were good schools for the children and work opportunities for his wife. Even so it was still hard to move, but “the travelling had been really hard, very very stressful”. He was for the first time really committing to a company.

Overall then, he identified with his work as an engineer, but for a long time he adapted rather than identified with his company because of the strength of his family and local attachments. With the new company he felt he belonged. Previously his travelling (and studying) had contributed to feeling that he did not really 'belong', and in the original company he 'belonged' to the area rather than the company. However, after making the initial decision to move he set about strategically building his career in ways that fitted to the new 'flexible' working patterns. He took temporary assignments, studied part-time, took contract work to broaden his experience and paid attention to building a network of contacts. It was one of his contacts, who was putting a team together at the engineering consultants in line with the new co-developing arrangements with major manufacturers, who offered him his present job.

David is therefore someone who for much of his working life adjusted to his work, but who has now reached a position of identifying with his work and feeling that, for the first time, there is a real balance between his work and the rest of his life.

d) Short-term adjustment

In cases of short-term adjustment an individual intends working in her or his current job for just a short period and is likely to be actively seeking other work. For example, two interviewees were being made redundant with relatively little chance of work in that sector in that area, while a third had been unable to get back into permanent employment after a series of setbacks. The attached case illustrates how one of these individuals came to terms with the problems she faced at work, and how her attitudes to work changed in consequence.

Case 6: Short-term adjustment to problems at work and of the employer switching production to another factory

Georgina is in her 30s and is a machine operator at an automotive component manufacturer at a factory in the North of England that was due to close. Production was being shifted to another plant a few miles away. The workers were given the option of transferring to the new facility but on greatly reduced pay, so Georgina, like most workers at the plant, chose to be made redundant. She had until recently been a team leader with full responsibility for a components line, including introducing changes aimed at improving performance. However, because she did not get on with her line manager, she had asked to go back to being a machine operator.

Georgina had recently volunteered to participate in training designed to improve performance in the company's supply chain. The training involved workshops and practical experience of how to improve manufacturing processes and practices. She was part of a multi-disciplinary group looking at how to implement such improvements in the company and in its suppliers: 'I took the lead on data collection (on my line), and in using standard operating sheets - I had already started those. It was encouraging that people were picking out the same sort of ideas for the same sort of improvements.'

Her self-confidence and communication skills improved markedly in consequence.

Georgina saw this as a valuable form of personal development. She had done lots of other courses with the company, but most had been employer-directed. The supply chain course involved a more structured approach, and it was much clearer that the individual could get considerable benefits too. The course was instrumental in rekindling her interest in more systematic learning: 'I would like more support in developing a structure for solving problems, rather than having to ask other people as now.' 'I would like to study more, but I am not sure what to do next. I am learning to be a driving instructor and I could combine that with part-time study, possibly for pre-school teaching” She was making short-term adjustments and adapting to her changing work circumstances, while looking for alternative work.'

e) Work role re-definition

Those using re-defining strategies are operating at the cutting edge of norms and expectations, pushing at the boundaries of expectations of employers, colleagues and others, typically negotiating, challenging and leading their peers in some respect. An example of this was a relatively young employee who nevertheless tended to know much more about all the new forms of technology than her colleagues and was recognised as the authoritative source of how to use the equipment in practice. This strategy is most viable for those who are recognised to have particular expertise, and/or formal authority and/or high social status at work.

The first two examples of re-definition concerned cases where it was individual characteristics related to gender or ethnicity allied to impressive work performance that presented other workers with challenges to their ideas about who should undertake particular roles. In the following case, however, it is the performance and potential of a single individual that caused the company to reshape their role definitions so as to optimise his value to the company.

Case 7: Example of a young Turkish supervisor, working in Germany, with highly developed communication and technical skills challenging the company stereotype of the background and age of someone in a senior supervisory position

Hasan is a 'Meister' in a German steel company with over 4000 employees. He is in his early thirties and of Turkish origin. His position involves supervising the four different daily shifts and leading the team of 'shift Meisters'. He works directly for the production manager and is responsible for 70 staff. Besides the overall management of the division, his responsibilities include the co-ordination of overall shift personnel and resources. As a technical expert he supervises trouble shooting and technical problems of a new plant, with an emphasis on detailed documentation and fault analysis.

Hasan started as an apprentice in the company and then worked in maintenance. After six years he felt he could do more and that his job was not sufficiently fulfilling, and to enhance his career he embarked on three-year 'craft Meister' training, rather than the more traditional two year 'industry Meister'. The latter was 'what everybody does' and if he wanted to increase his chances for a better position he would be better qualified with a 'craft Meister' qualification. The three years proved to be extremely hard, because it was difficult to meet the conflicting demands of a five-shift working schedule, Meister training and a young family.

In his final year of training he applied for a Meister position for a new project, that involved the construction of a new plant. He got the job 10 months before the end of his training upon the condition that he successfully completed the training. The last ten months of his training were a real challenge. This was because he had started a new job with a high level of responsibility, the new plant required a lot of work and commitment (he often worked 10-12 hours daily), and he was in his examination period to finish his Meister qualification. However, he managed this difficult situation successfully.

The construction of the new plant required highly qualified workers and a lot of reorganisation of personnel. Hasan had great technical interest in this field and put a lot of effort into supporting work processes and structural changes. In the change process he was promoted again to technical specialist for the new plant, and is increasingly acting for the production manager. He feels he has achieved a lot. The next step would be production manager, but he feels that he is not yet qualified to do that job and he needs to gain further experience in his current position. He can imagine maybe changing employer after some years, but at the moment he personally is attached to the plant that he helped to build.

Hasan is a committed and ambitious worker. Although he does not perform manual work any more, he makes sure he spends a few hours in the factory each day rather than the office. His technical expertise still provides the basis for his work, even with the managerial tasks. The biggest challenge is the management of personnel in two aspects. First, staff shortages create a lot of pressure and increase the workload for all staff as all shifts have tight staffing levels. Second, sometimes there are conflicts with other personnel because they have problems accepting him as a very young Turkish supervisor. Older employees can sometimes be very critical. On the other hand, some Turkish colleagues expect favourable treatment from him, because of their common ethnic background. In any case, he always needs to handle staffing issues and interpersonal conflicts extremely carefully. This has not yet become an issue, because the atmosphere and interaction between employees and supervisors is generally very good in his division, a factor that contributes towards his motivation and commitment.

Hasan points out that work intensification is the most obvious change in the work context. More work has to be accomplished with considerably fewer staff and work has become much more disciplined with tighter work schedules. But employees show a much more committed work attitude, because responsibilities are delegated and transferred to the individual worker, which also motivates them more.

This is an interesting case where someone is redefining a key role in the organisation in a way that challenges conventions of the background and age of someone in a strategic senior supervisory position. Hasan identifies with the new role he has helped to shape and, for the time being he is happy with the company too, but the way in which subsequent 'strategic biography' will develop would be hard to predict at present.

Case 8: Example of significant challenges at work leading to role and personal re-definition (as a result of personal choice and as a consequence of discrimination)

Steffi works in the German same steel company, but in another division to Hasan (case 7). She is in her late 20s and is currently in charge of planning the servicing and repairing of machines, a position that requires the Meister qualification (for a process or production engineer). She is doing this job in a team of 3, each employee being responsible for a division that comprises approximately 15-20 staff working on a certain set of machines and rollers. The three planning specialists are supposed to substitute for each other in case of sickness or leave. About 80% of Steffi's work is computer-based. The tasks also involve cost analysis and budgeting as well as co-ordinating staff and contracted firms for specific repair jobs.

Steffi trained as an engineering apprentice in the same steel mill. She initially studied accountancy and secretarial work at a commercial school but did not like it. As her father worked in the company he encouraged her to apply for an apprenticeship as a material tester in the laboratory. When she did not pass the entry test the company offered her to start training as a skilled worker in mechanics and she accepted.

At that time she was the first female engineering apprentice in the company, a situation that caused considerable practical problems, as there were no toilet facilities for women. She faced considerable discrimination that led her to being very close to leaving a couple of times during the first year. Often, division managers wanted to place her in the office instead of giving her mechanical work. As an apprentice and as a skilled worker she hardly received any support from her male colleagues except for one, who encouraged her to persevere. This discriminatory situation continued after completion of her apprenticeship when she faced difficulties being recruited on a permanent basis. Finally, one division accepted her, although it was not an area in which she trained so she had to start a completely new learning process. Working there was very hard and she was given the toughest work and was constantly discriminated against. Her immediate supervisors and colleagues hoped that she would give up. Despite her qualification she was never accepted as an equal, although she received some support from her senior manager.

Steffi put up with this situation for 4 _ years even though it started to affect her health. Her decision to start a Meister qualification was motivated by hoping to find a way out of this discriminatory working situation, although she got very little support from her supervisors. When the demands of shift working and parallel training became too much, she changed to working on the day shift. When after completing Meister training the situation with her male colleagues escalated in an impulsive reaction she decided to ask for work in another division where her boy friend worked. They initially recruited her into a position as an ordinary mechanic. There, the working conditions were much better and the colleagues to a certain degree accepted her. After one and a half years she applied for her current job, planning repairs and maintenance of machines that required the Meister qualification and got the job.

Steffi enjoys her current job and is very satisfied with the working conditions and colleagues. She is happy with working more independently and not being directly supervised all the time. She particularly likes the challenges involved in major repair jobs that require independent organisation and complex planning and co-ordination, where she plans and schedules her own time and work commitment. But most of her work involves the planning of the regular servicing of machines with some repair work.

When looking back Steffi feels that although the first nine years were extremely difficult and nerve wracking she was right to stay on and work through it. She feels that the harsh working climate has formed her and she is now much more self-confident and assertive. She always liked the work, even the physically very demanding jobs, and that made her stay. She is proud of her achievements, and although she sometimes misses the physical work, she enjoys working on the computer and 'assembling parts and tools in her head'. She still needs to continuously apply her technical knowledge.

Work forms an important part of her overall identity and links with being independent, financially self-sufficient and able to face challenges. She also values the external recognition her work brings. Steffi hopes to stay with the company until retirement. She believes her work profile may change, but it will not become redundant. She is confident that her skills will be needed in future. If she decided to start a family, she would try not to be away for more than 2-3 years, otherwise returning would be difficult, given the speed of technological change.

Regarding future career prospects there are two areas that interest her. One would be to specialise in a specific type of machine or maybe plan the construction of a new plant or machine where she could bring her own ideas and creativity into the planning process. The other would be to become a trainer or instructor only there are specialised areas, like hydraulics, where she would not feel competent, because it is not her area of expertise. She would feel uncomfortable to talk about things she is not familiar with in-depth. She cannot imagine herself studying further in order to increase her career options.

Steffi's case is one of work role redefinition in the face of concerted and extended opposition. This 'trial by ordeal' has also led to a personal re-definition, where she now appears more assertive and, despite everything, identifies with both the job and the company. She values what she fought for and is proud of her achievements.

Case 9: Successful ‘change agent’ whose role and responsibilities were re-defined

Edward is in his mid 30s. He has recently been appointed business development and personnel manger at a precision engineering company in the UK that has 200 employees and produces pumps for industry. He has worked for the company for 20 years since leaving school. He completed his apprenticeship, worked on machines for two years, then planning production and was quality manager for seven years, before combining roles as business development and quality manger for a year, prior to being given his current job.

Being identified as the company 'change agent' meant he was working closely with a major customer, undergoing a mix of training and learning through working on problems throughout the supply chain network, and he started to get 'more ideas of the problems and solutions of other companies'. This led to swapping development ideas and he found that “personally this has given me a new lease of life and a new learning focus. It has also led to recognition in my own company… I also now have increased patience following the change agent training, better organisational skills and I am more willing to challenge fixed ideas”. Edward believed this was significant in terms of his own personal development: 'I will consider furthering my education. I hope to expand my business development role to director level. There have also been benefits to me in my out of work roles.'

The company was going through a tough time and 'there have been 25 redundancies - hence my current dual role. We could use more people in the business improvement teams. We are looking at our own suppliers too - they are at the crux of some of our own non-delivery problems. The improvements will pay for themselves if we can sustain 80 per cent Overall Equipment Efficiency.. He is therefore seen as crucial in bringing about change in the company. Edward is enthusiastic and committed to his work and the company. His success has led the company to redefine his last two work roles, and the current combination of business development and personnel manager was specially designed for him.'

f) Personal re-defintion

The second form of re-definition occurred when an individual sought to change their occupation and/or employer, because they wanted (or saw themselves forced) to change direction. Examples of this included people with a short-term attachment following or prior to a major re-definition. The example given below, however, represents not only a substantive personal re-definition, but also involves a role re-definition from an organisational perspective.

Case 10: Major career change

Sally is in her early 40s. She completed a Sports Science degree in England, worked in outdoor pursuits for a year and then chose to train as a PE teacher because she fancied long summer holidays. She chose the course because she was having a problem getting a decent job, and didn't know what else to do: 'it was a way of putting things off for a year', but her teaching career lasted less than a year: 'I discovered I didn't like kids.' She took a job instead with local authority leisure provision. Through the next five to six years, she held various posts starting with life saving in a public baths and moving up into junior management in baths and parks facilities.

She left her last post with a plan to live abroad, but this plan did not work out. She needed work, so did some temping (involving temporary office work) for a couple of years. One of these jobs was with a small German-owned specialist automotive components manufacturer. She started as a temporary clerical worker in 1990 and then got a permanent job in 'Customer Scheduling'. The job consisted of calculating and costing customers' requirements and keeping track of what was being produced and what had been dispatched. She took the job because she needed the work and it seemed to be a reasonable company.

Sally was eager to leave her first job there as she felt it was not utilising all her skills, and did not give her the level of responsibility which she wanted. After three years she was promoted to 'Head of Logistics' managing six clerical staff. The only company training she received was at her own instigation; she asked to go to Head Office for a two-week period to orientate to the work of the company. They gave her this time, but it was left to her to structure this period for herself. She spent the time walking around the factory and talking to people, finding out for herself what was being done and by whom and why. She found this period very informative and helpful.

She was promoted twice more: first to logistics specialist and then in 1995 to Production Manager for a major customer group with complete responsibility for resourcing the production and delivery of orders for this car manufacturer. She manages 100 permanent, mostly full-time, staff on a three shift system, plus 7 support workers based in the office. Her work involves the ordering and control of all materials, responsibility for the production process itself, staff management and customer liaison. When the post became vacant, she had been encouraged to apply for it by her then bosses, and she got the job, although “I encountered huge difficulties as I had no knowledge of engineering production whatsoever. I knew nothing of production planning or engineering prioritising. Nothing.”

Sally had had no university training relevant specifically to her new job: “My skills acquisition at this time was mainly on the job training; finding out as I went along.” The company did provide training opportunities over time to help her to cope with her new responsibilities. She found the training very relevant, and it helped her to build skills to tackle her job. It was as she began to 'get a handle' on her job that she decided to do a Master's degree so as to gain a greater understanding of the underpinning of the technical work of her department. On her own initiative, she had enrolled for two evening classes - one on the Japanese view of the auto industry, the other on leadership and self-management.

Sally chose post-graduate study in engineering to get the technical underpinning she was seeking to underpin her management role in engineering: “I wanted to understand what lay beneath what I was seeing on the shop floor, and what I was controlling in my job.” The company paid for the course. Much of what she learned on the course was relevant at three levels - business, technical and operational. She has now fully grown into the job as a production manager, and is well paid.

When Sally reflects on her career she says: “my career has gone every which way. It has gone differently to what might have been expected. I think there was a lot of luck involved in finding myself as a temp at my present company - being in the right place at the right time.” She is very satisfied with her salary and enjoys her job, although there are frustrations linked to working in what is still very much a man's world. “It's not so much a glass ceiling as a huge steel ceiling.” She felt she could have done more but for gender prejudice. Indeed the prevailing environment constrains her: “I find myself coping with it by taking on some of the male attitudes, and this makes me feel guilty. I think I confront it with aggressive behaviour, and people don't always understand why this is happening.”

Sally had never expected to enter the engineering world. “The last place I wanted to work was a factory… but I have come to realise is that it doesn't much matter what the workplace is, or where it is, or what it makes, most of the processes for getting something resourced and produced and delivered are the same.” She is still looking to develop her skills: may be in assertiveness to deal with the gender problem. “Some influencing skills' training is probably what I need.” She also wants to follow-up on work she did on the MSc around issues in leadership and dealing with frustration. “I need to learn how to deal with getting shouted down if I confront issues around gender discrimination.”

She has been very proactive in building her career after 30: a sharp contrast with her earlier drift. However, even with restarting at thirty, she is doubtful that she would want to have missed the good times she had. Sally enjoyed her Sports Science course and being at university, and quite enjoyed some of her work in the leisure industry. She feels she has learned a lot through her various experiences, and whilst things have gone differently than she might have expected, she is where she is now… “and I'm fairly happy with that”.

Sally is a clear example of someone redefining their work role in a way that led to a personal re-definition of how she viewed work. However, from an organisational perspective, this also led to a change in how that particular work role was conceived – the role previously had been viewed as primarily technical whereas it was now viewed as primarily organisational.

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The theoretical perspective: images of identity

Using 'patterns of strategic action across a range of structural, cultural and social contexts' the research was able to range across the different national settings and drive the analysis across contexts in a very different way to, for example, an approach based on national differences.

The project context: learning and working in Engineering

This research took place in the Engineering sector where the prospects for a skilled worker at all stages of his or her career are now much more problematic than more than a generation ago when they represented the 'aristocracy of labour' in secure, well paid work.

Outcomes: a model to describe employee identity building strategies

Building upon employee biographies, it is possible to construct a model of the forms of strategic action individuals use to relate to their work and changes at work.

Outcomes: employee case studies

General examples, and specific case studies, are given to illustrate the forms of strategic action that individuals use to relate to work and changes at work.

Bibliography